05/02/2022
Black history month
Let's reflect on the south sudans liberation struggle
PART 2 – SOLUTION MODALITIES FOR THE SUDANESE CONFLICT: On April 2, 1994, the SPLM/SPLA held its first National Convention under the theme, “This Convention is Sovereign.” At the convention, Dr. John Garang, leader of the SPLM/SPLA addressed people at the convention by explaining the solution modalities for the Sudanese conflict. Below he further explains Model 3, Model 4, and Model 5. According to Dr. Garang;
“MODEL 3: UNITED ISLAMIC ARAB SUDAN MODEL. This Model is that of the present Khartoum system of a united Islamic Arab Sudan. This is the model which has been in force since 1956 to the present, and which has resulted in 28 years of war out of the 38 years of independence. This is essentially a “War and Separatist Model,” because the non-Arabs (Africans) and non-Muslims do not and will not accept an Islamic Arab Sudan. They have been resisting this model since 1955, and have gone to war twice because of this Model. They will certainly eventually separate from the rest of the Sudan if the model is continued. I have labelled it as a war as well as a separatist model because the model essentially seeks to subjugate, assimilate and/or annihilate the Black African and non-Muslim people of Sudan, thereby causing war and leading to separation by the Africans.
MODEL 4: UNITED SECULAR BLACK AFRICAN SUDAN MODEL. This is a hypothetical model, but not far-fetched. It is to be recalled that those who registered as Africans in the 1955 census were 61%, while only 31% registered as Arabs and the remaining 8% classified under “Others.” These “others” were actually West Africans, the so called “Falata,” and hence the African population, according to that census, was 69% of Sudan’s population. If the 31% Arabs of the Sudan can call for a united Islamic Arab Sudan as they have done so since 1956, there is no reason why the 69% Africans, both in the North and South, cannot call for a united secular Black African Sudan. However, like Model 3, this is also a war and separatist model, because the non-Africans (Arabs) would not accept a Black African Sudan. They would resist this model, go to war and eventually separate from the rest of the Sudan.
MODEL 5: TOTAL SEPARATION MODEL. This is the separate existence or total independence model, in which the Old Sudan and the New Sudan part ways as a result of total incompatibility. It is essentially a residual model. It is clear from the diagrams that Model 3 and Model 4 lead to Model 5, while Model 2 can also lead to the Model 5, if the concept of a transformed New Sudan fails to materialize.
NOTE: It is important to note that none of the solutions in the above five models is on offer. In order to realize any one of them, it must be the result of struggle Model 3, that of a United Islamic Arab Sudan, is the one now in force and it is in force by force. The regime, any regime that is based on Model, will not and cannot voluntarily abandon this model in favour of any of the other four models. This point is important to emphasize and underline because there are some Southerners and foreigners who ask: “Why does the SPLM not go for separation?”” These models are not an academic multiple choice examination question. By pronouncing separation, there is nothing that the SPLM can do more than what it has been doing since 1983.
Joseph Lagu pronounced separation and that did not get him much external support, nor did that objective mobilize Southerners any better than the SPLM has organized them. Others shrug off this argument by saying that, well, that was then but times have changed since 1955 and 1972. We counter by saying that in the present changed times Lam Akol and Riek Machar did pronounce separation (1991), but they did not get any external support, on the contrary, they ended up formally joining the NIF regime, while Riek Machar continued to procrastinate. Lam Akol and Riek Machar did not fare well either in mobilizing Southerners as a result of their pronouncement on separation. THE END.”
