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23/04/2026

Evergreen 'Akpemi' by Amikpon (Akodjenu Michel)

13/04/2026

The Murder of Customs Officer Taïgla

In Cotonou’s administrative district of Ganhi, not far from the Azalaï Hotel, lived Lieutenant of Customs André Léon Taïgla. Widely respected for his discipline and professionalism, he shared his home in the customs quarters with his wife, Thérèse Hountondji. From the outside, their life appeared stable, even admirable. But behind closed doors, their marriage was unraveling.

Frequent arguments, fueled by jealousy and suspicions of infidelity, had turned their home into a place of constant tension. What might have been resolved through separation or reconciliation instead took a far darker turn.

Determined to end her husband’s life, Thérèse orchestrated a deadly plan. She recruited several men—Christophe Babagbéto, Nouatin Agbessi (known as Sodabi), Pierre Dossou Tokpo, and Ahotin Zounlenchou—offering them payment in exchange for carrying out the deal. An initial attempt failed, but she persisted, increasing the promised reward to ensure the plan would succeed.

On the night of January 16–17, 1970, the plot was set in motion. Babagbéto fired a shot at Taïgla but missed. Agbessi then attacked him with a machete, and the others joined in, using knives and clubs to fatally wound him. To prevent interference, Thérèse locked her daughter in the kitchen and restrained the family dog. By the time the attackers fled, Taïgla was dead, and the neighborhood would soon be shaken by the horror of the crime.

The following day, the discovery of the body prompted an immediate police investigation. Authorities questioned neighbors and colleagues, carefully examined the crime scene, and followed leads tied to the payments made to the assailants. One by one, the suspects were identified and arrested. Under interrogation, they confessed and revealed that Thérèse Hountondji was the mastermind behind the deal.

At the time, Dahomey (now Benin) was experiencing a tense political climate, and the case moved swiftly through the justice system. On February 3, 1970, Thérèse and her accomplices—Babagbéto, Agbessi, Tokpo, and Zounlenchou—were tried, convicted, and executed.

The tragedy left a deep mark on the community and was later immortalized by the musician Yédénou Adjahoui in his song “Affaire Taïgla.” Through haunting lyrics and storytelling, the song captures the fear, betrayal, and violence of that night, transforming a real-life crime into a powerful moral narrative about the consequences of domestic conflict and betrayal.

Even decades later, the Taïgla case remains one of the most notorious criminal stories in Ganhi, Cotonou. Preserved through music and memory, it continues to serve as both a historical account and a cautionary tale for future generations.

06/04/2026

‘Yovó sẹ̀n Jesu bo dúwè e, eee..’

02/04/2026

Dossou Letriki - Hommage à Dehoumon Adjagnon (Baba Yabo)
Thanks to Dj Région Officiel

29/03/2026

Lagos Governor 2027! Samuel Mawuyon Ajose to contest.

Ovi mitọn wẹ!

24/03/2026

Yedenou Adjahoui - N**e meho na tho ble yopovi

Southwest Nigeria Is Not ‘Yorubaland’Equating southwestern Nigeria to Yorubaland is a colonial oversimplification that r...
23/03/2026

Southwest Nigeria Is Not ‘Yorubaland’

Equating southwestern Nigeria to Yorubaland is a colonial oversimplification that requires critical re-evaluation. While the Yoruba are a dominant force in the region, the area is also the cultural homeland of the Ogu people, a distinct ethno-linguistic group with their own rich history, language and traditions.

Written by
Oluwaṣeun Otọsedẹ Williams
Illustration by Sheed Sorple Cecil / THE REPUBLIC.
Mar 22, 2026

Many Nigerians know a thing or two about Ọba Akran Avenue, a major artery that runs through Ọbafẹmi Awolọwọ Way in Ikeja, Lagos. What may be lost on many, however, is the profile of the man after whom the popular road in the political nerve centre of Lagos is named. Late Claudius Dosa Akran (Ahọlu Jiwa II) was the Akran of Badagry, an Ogu-dominated division of Lagos State, from 1950 to 1980. In addition to being a first-class king, Akran was a powerful politician and prominent figure within Ọbafẹmi Awolọwọ’s Action Group party. He blended traditional authority with modern statecraft, taking up different positions in the Western Regional Government including being elected as a Member of the Western House of Assembly in 1951, as well as holding various ministerial portfolios subsequently.

Akran was first appointed as minister of local government and economic planning in 1952 by Awolọwọ, but his portfolio was reconstituted a few times until he was designated minister of economic planning and community development sometime around 1961. He ultimately served as minister of finance (under S. L. Akintọla’s government) from 1962 to 1966 when the country witnessed its first military coup. In these capacities, Akran played a key role in crafting the inclusive, bottom-up model of community development that underpinned the political philosophy of social welfarism of Awolọwọ and indeed the western regional government.

As an Ogu king and regional minister, Akran’s career affords a fine entry point into a nuanced, multicultural characterization of Nigeria’s southwestern region, which essentially supplanted the erstwhile western region. It seems, though, that this reality escapes many Nigerians today. For many, the terms ‘Yoruba’ and ‘southwestern Nigeria’ are perfectly synonymous, representing a singular cultural and linguistic space. This popular perception frames the region as a monolithic cultural area, a narrative perpetuated through the media, popular discourse, academic literature and political rhetoric. The fact, however, is that while the Yoruba constitute the largest and most influential ethnic group in southwestern Nigeria, the notion of a homogenous ‘Yorubaland’ fails to accommodate the other indigenous people for whom the region is also their rightful ancestral home.

Southwestern Nigeria is, indeed, a pluralistic cultural landscape. Central to this argument is the historical and continued presence of the Ogu (otherwise called Gunnu but often corrupted as Egun) people, a distinct ethnic group whose cultural heritage and demographic footprint in the region are often overlooked. By exploring the unique identity of the Ogu and their connections to a broader international populace, we can begin to dismantle the myth of homogeneity and foster a more inclusive and accurate understanding of the region’s cultural diversity. This is therefore not merely a pedantic academic exercise, but rather a necessary intervention in how we understand identity, belonging and historical justice in contemporary Nigeria.

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Equating southwestern Nigeria to Yorubaland is a colonial oversimplification that requires critical re-evaluation. While the Yoruba are a dominant force in the

15/03/2026

Dossou Letriki - Atogbèmè mando mindé

11/03/2026

Yedenou Adjahoui - Kèkèzéto

04/03/2026

Yedenou Adjahoui - Zangbeto daho

Group Condemns Makoko Demolitions, Alleges Ethnic Cleansing In LagosIt accused Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administrat...
16/02/2026

Group Condemns Makoko Demolitions, Alleges Ethnic Cleansing In Lagos

It accused Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administration of systematic ethnic cleansing of Ogu-dominated littoral settlements under the guise of urban development.

The e Ogu General Assembly (OGA), a socio-cultural organisation representing the interests of the people of Ogu (Egun) descent in Lagos State, has strongly condemned the “violent demolition and forced displacement” of the Makoko waterfront community in the state.

It accused Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administration of systematic ethnic cleansing of Ogu-dominated littoral settlements under the guise of urban development.

In a position paper dated February 2, 2026, the OGA called for an immediate and permanent halt to ongoing demolitions in Makoko and neighbouring waterfront communities, warning that the exercise has escalated into a humanitarian crisis marked by deaths, mass displacement, and the destruction of livelihoods.

The position paper was signed by the OGA Convener, Prof. Jẹndele Hungbo; the Secretary, Mr. Mewhenu Hosu; members of the Board of Trustees, Dr. Tony Dansu and Dr. Babatunde Mẹsẹwaku; and a member of the Steering Committee, Prof. Ṣenayọn Ọlaoluwa.

The group stated that the Ogu people constitute the predominant population of Makoko and several other waterfront settlements in Lagos, noting that these communities date back to the 17th and 18th centuries when Ogu natives from Badagry and other parts of their cultural homeland established fishing settlements along the lagoon.

According to the OGA, generations of Ogu fishermen and traders have played a crucial role in sustaining Lagos State’s food security, supplying seafood that feeds millions of residents daily.

It argued that the ongoing demolitions threaten not only homes but also the economic and cultural foundations of these historic communities.

Allegations of Class Cleansing and Gentrification

Describing Makoko as a historic fishing settlement with an estimated population of over 300,000 people, the OGA alleged that the current demolition exercise amounts to “ruthless demolition, forced eviction, violent displacement, class cleansing, ethnic violence, and unconscionable gentrification.”

Addressing the Lagos State House of Assembly on Tuesday, February 3, Prof. Olaoluwa said, “The indigenous Ogu people within the metropolis of Lagos, about 10 years ago, Otodogbamẹ was destroyed. If you go there, nobody can identify as a native of Otodogbamẹ again because that place is now referenced as Periwinkle Island.

“Going by that antecedent, we are saying that Makoko is about to go down, and in the next couple of years, there will be no more Makoko, and when that happens, what do we say about the indigenous people who have been there since the 17th century?

“This is our concern. The Lagos State government has to convince us that there is no deliberate attempt at annihilating the only other indigenous groups in Lagos state after the Yoruba and the Ogu, and this is happening to us again and again.”

The OGA further alleged that waterfront communities are being cleared to pave the way for luxury real estate developments designed for elites and the super-rich, with no consideration for the original inhabitants.

“What is currently being perpetrated against the Makoko community reveals a disturbing pattern of land grabbing and displacement,” the group stated, adding that the actions of the Lagos State Government show that “public safety or urban regeneration” are not the true objectives of the exercise.

The OGA argued that the Makoko demolitions are not an isolated incident but part of a broader, sustained pattern of displacement affecting waterfront communities largely populated by Ogu indigenes.

It cited the destruction of the Otodogbamẹ fishing community between 2016 and 2017 as a precedent, noting that the area has since been transformed into the luxury Periwinkle Estate.

According to the group, more than 30,000 predominantly Ogu residents were forcibly evicted during that operation, with homes allegedly set ablaze and residents driven into the Lagos Lagoon.

Despite reported international condemnation and court orders prohibiting the evictions, the OGA said the government proceeded with the demolitions “in flagrant disregard for the rule of law, judicial authority, international conventions and natural law.”

The group added that many survivors of Otodogbamẹ later resettled in Makoko and are now facing displacement for a second time.

Drawing parallels between Otodogbamẹ and Makoko, the OGA listed what it described as a familiar pattern: initial justifications based on public safety, assurances of limited demolition within defined setbacks, followed by expanded clearances, deployment of armed security personnel, use of tear gas and live ammunition, and the eventual conversion of cleared land into high-end developments.

The Makoko Crisis: Timeline and Reported Violations

According to the OGA, the current demolition exercise, which began on December 23, 2025, during the Christmas holiday period, and was initially presented as a 30-metre safety setback from high-tension power lines, has expanded first to 50 metres, then 100 metres, and eventually to areas with no proximity to power infrastructure, including parts of Oko-Baba.

As of late January 2026, the group noted that reports from civil society groups documented widespread destruction and displacement.

These include the demolition of more than 3,000 homes, the destruction of five schools and two clinics, and the razing of four places of worship.

The OGA also noted that hundreds of fishing businesses had been destroyed, leaving families without income or shelter.

It said displaced residents, including infants and elderly persons, were forced to sleep in canoes, churches, or in the open, exposed to harsh weather conditions and health risks.

Deaths and Use of Force

The group highlighted several deaths linked directly to the demolition exercise and the use of force by security operatives.

Among those named were Epiphany Kpenassou Adingban, a five-day-old infant said to have died after tear gas was deployed into his family’s compound, and Morenikeji Amossou, a three-week-old baby girl who reportedly drowned after her mother slipped into the lagoon while fleeing tear gas.

The OGA also mentioned the death of Ms Albertine Ojadiklunọ, a 70-year-old woman, which it attributed to stress and trauma resulting from the demolitions.

It added that two other children and several adults had been hospitalised due to tear gas exposure and injuries.

“These deaths are not unfortunate accidents,” the group said, describing them as “inevitable and foreseeable consequences” of deploying armed force and heavy machinery in a densely populated civilian area without adequate notice or humane alternatives.

Arrests and Intimidation Allegations

The OGA further accused authorities of suppressing community advocacy and dissent.

It cited the arrest of Mr Oluwatobi Aide, identified as a youth leader who was said to have approached demolition officials on January 12, 2026, to request time for residents to retrieve their belongings.

According to the group, Aide was detained for several days despite suffering health complications linked to earlier tear gas exposure.

Cultural and Economic Implications

Beyond the immediate humanitarian impact, the OGA warned of far-reaching socio-economic and cultural consequences.

It described Makoko as more than a collection of informal structures, but a living cultural ecosystem with deep historical roots.

The group emphasised that the Makoko-Aṣejere market plays a key role in supplying affordable seafood to Lagos residents and argued that dismantling the community would disrupt critical food supply chains.

By targeting Makoko and other Ogu fishing settlements, the OGA said the state government risks erasing centuries of cultural continuity while undermining livelihoods that predate many of the upscale neighbourhoods now surrounding the waterfront.

Demands to the Lagos State Government

In response to the situation, the OGA demanded the immediate and permanent cessation of all demolitions in Makoko, Oko-Agbọn, Sogunro, and other waterfront communities.

It also called for a comprehensive and dignified resettlement plan for displaced residents, including the provision of quality housing, access to basic amenities such as schools and healthcare, and relocation sites that allow continued access to fishing livelihoods.

The group stressed that any resettlement must be free or genuinely affordable and preserve community cohesion.

The group further demanded full compensation for families of those killed, those displaced, and individuals injured during the demolitions.

This includes financial compensation, medical care, and restitution for lost property and livelihoods.

The OGA further called on the government to guarantee the safety of Makoko residents by ending the use of force, withdrawing armed personnel, releasing detained community members, and ensuring residents can return to remaining homes without fear of violence or arrest.

Call for Accountability

The OGA rejected the notion that urban development must come at the cost of marginalised communities, describing the transformation of Otodogbamẹ into Periwinkle Estate and the ongoing Makoko demolitions as a betrayal of Lagos State’s social contract.

“Lagos State cannot build a megacity on the bodies, blood and tears of its most vulnerable residents,” the group said.

The group appealed to Nigerians and the international community to demand accountability and ensure that the events of Otodogbamẹ are not repeated in Makoko.

https://saharareporters.com/2026/02/03/group-condemns-makoko-demolitions-alleges-ethnic-cleansing-lagos?

The Ogu General Assembly (OGA), a socio-cultural organisation representing the interests of the people of Ogu (Egun) descent in Lagos State, has strongly condemned the “violent demolition and forced displacement” of the Makoko waterfront community in the state.

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